{"id":196940,"date":"1988-09-02T00:00:00","date_gmt":"2019-03-12T17:18:40","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.un.org\/unispal\/?p=196940"},"modified":"2019-03-12T17:18:40","modified_gmt":"2019-03-12T17:18:40","slug":"auto-insert-196940","status":"publish","type":"document","link":"https:\/\/www.un.org\/unispal\/document\/auto-insert-196940\/","title":{"rendered":"Fifth UN International NGO Meeting on the Question of Palestine (Geneva, 31 Aug – 2 Sept 1988) – Report – DPR publication"},"content":{"rendered":"
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FIFTH UNITED NATIONS INTERNATIONAL NGO MEETING<\/strong><\/p><\/div>\n ON THE QUESTION OF PALESTINE<\/strong><\/p><\/div>\n <\/p>\n Palais des Nations, Geneva<\/p><\/div>\n 31 August – 2 September 1988<\/p><\/div>\n <\/p>\n \n CONTENTS<\/p><\/div>\n <\/p>\n Introduction <\/p><\/div>\n Opening session <\/p><\/div>\n Panel presentations <\/p><\/div>\n Annexes<\/p><\/div>\n \n INTRODUCTION<\/p><\/div>\n The Fifth United Nations International NGO Meeting on the Question of Palestine was held under the auspices of the Committee on the Exercise of the Inalienable Rights of the Palestinian People at the United Nations Office at Geneva from 31 August to 2 September 1988. The Meeting was convened in pursuance of General Assembly resolution 42\/66 B of 2 December 1987.<\/p><\/div>\n The Meeting was attended by a total number of 278 non-governmental organizations (NGOs), of whom 138 attended as observers. It was also attended by Mr. Joseph Verner Reed, Under-Secretary-General for Political and General Assembly Affairs and Secretariat Services, representative of the Secretary-General, and by several observers from Governments, intergovernmental organizations, United Nations bodies, and the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO).<\/p><\/div>\n The Committee on the Exercise of the Inalienable Rights of the Palestinian People was represented by a delegation composed of H.E. Mrs. Absa Claude Diallo (Senegal), Committee Chairman, H.E. Mr. Mohammad Dost (Afghanistan), Committee Vice-Chairman, H.E. Mr. Guennadi Oudovenko (Ukrainian SSR), and Mr. Zuhdi Labib Terzi (PLO).<\/p><\/div>\n The programme for the Meeting was elaborated by the Committee on the Exercise of the Inalienable Rights of the Palestinian People in consultation with the International Co-ordinating Committee for NGOs on the Question of Palestine (ICCP). Its main theme was "The consequences of the uprising in the occupied Palestinian territories and the new urgency of convening the International Peace Conference on the Middle East in accordance with United Nations General Assembly resolution 38\/58 C".<\/p><\/div>\n A panel of the same title was established and presentations were made by the following eminent personalities:<\/p><\/div>\n The following panelists presented papers on the second panel entitled "The consequences of occupation – witnesses from the occupied territories – what has happened":<\/p><\/div>\n Five workshops were established on the following topics: (a) protecting the human rights and security of the Palestinian people; (b) mobilizing to meet special needs: health, education and welfare in the occupied territories; (c) new ideas for political mobilization for a just peace; (d) meeting the socio-economic crisis in the occupied territories; and (e) supporting Palestinian women and children. A number of special interest groups were also organized during the Meeting.<\/p><\/div>\n The Meeting adopted a final declaration as well as action-oriented proposals emanating from the workshops (see annexes I and II).<\/p><\/div>\n OPENING SESSION<\/p><\/div>\n The Meeting was opened by H.E. Mrs. Absa Claude Diallo (Senegal), Chairman of the Committee on the Exercise of the Inalienable Rights of the Palestinian People.<\/p><\/div>\n In his statement on behalf of the Secretary-General of the United Nations, Mr. Joseph Verner Reed, Under-Secretary-General for Political and General Assembly Affairs and Secretariat Services, stressed the Secretary-General's concern over the current situation and his commitment to the search for a settlement of the Palestinian question. The activities of NGOs could play a very important role in helping to bring about this goal (see annex III).<\/p><\/div>\n The Meeting was then addressed by Mr. Farouk Kaddoumi, Head of the Political Department of the PLO. Mr. Kaddoumi stressed the determination of the Palestinian people to attain independence and freedom-. The uprising had unmasked the real character of Israeli occupation. The NGOs had an important role to play in <\/i>educating and mobilizing international public opinion. Certain sectors of Israeli society had begun to oppose the policies and practices in the occupied territories. However, the Israeli leadership had continued to ignore the changes brought about by the uprising and extremist elements were increasingly calling for driving the Palestinians out. The<\/p><\/div>\n United Nations and the international community as a whole had a responsibility not only to strive towards a peaceful solution but also to seek ways to provide protection to the Palestinian people. A special responsibility rested with those countries that had contributed to the creation of Israel.<\/p><\/div>\n In her statement, H.E. Mrs. Absa Claude Diallo, Chairman of the Committee on the Exercise of the Inalienable Rights of the Palestinian People, stressed the urgency of the situation in view of Israel's repression of Palestinians. The progress made in other regional conflicts made it clear that the United Nations had a vital role to play in efforts for a peaceful settlement of the Palestinian question. The Committee had continued to give the highest priority to the convening of the International Peace Conference on the Middle East in accordance with General Assembly resolution 38\/58 C. The Committee was gratified by the intensification of NGO activities since the beginning of the uprising and by their influence on public opinion and looked forward to increased co-operation with them in pursuit of the common objectives.<\/p><\/div>\n In a message addressed to the participants at the Meeting, Mr. Yasser Arafat, Chairman of the Executive Committee of the PLO, stressed the gravity of the situation in the occupied Palestinian territories and called for the territories to be placed under United Nations supervision in preparation for Israeli withdrawal and with a view to facilitating the holding of the International Peace Conference on the Middle East in accordance with General Assembly resolution 38\/58 C (see annex IV).<\/p><\/div>\n Mr. Donald Betz, Chairman of the International Co-ordinating Committee for NGOs on the Question of Palestine (ICCP), stressed the sense of self-determination and empowerment which Palestinians in the occupied territories had derived from the intifadah<\/u> and pledged strengthened efforts by the NGO community in their support. He also submitted a report on ICCP activities since the Fourth International Meeting.<\/p><\/div>\n PANEL PRESENTATIONS<\/p><\/div>\n <\/p>\n In his presentation, H.E. Mr. Rikhi Jaipal (India) pointed out that the Palestinian uprising was clearly a struggle against the Jewish colonization of Palestine and for its liberation from Israeli occupation.' The normal process of decolonization in Palestine had been subverted by British policies despite the fact that the Mandate of the League of Nations had declared the readiness of the Palestinian community to be provisionally recognized as an independent nation. By its unilateral decision to establish "a national home for the Jewish people" in Palestine, the British Government had laid the basis for the present Jewish sovereign State of Israel.<\/p><\/div>\n Through the partition plan of 1947, the United Nations had sanctioned the creation of two States, one Jewish and one Arab, and the right of Palestinians to establish their sovereign independent State as approved by the United Nations remained valid. Israeli occupation of Palestinian territory in excess of what was sanctioned by the United Nations was tantamount to violation of international law and the United Nations Charter. The withdrawal of Israel from the occupied territories was the first step towards peace and could not be made subject to any conditions.<\/p><\/div>\n A special responsibility rested with the permanent members of the Security Council, particularly those who were friends of Israel, as they were also parties to the decision to partition Palestine. They were expected to co-operate with the United Nations in securing Israeli withdrawal from the occupied territories. The convening of the International Peace Conference on the Middle East, in accordance with General Assembly resolution 38\/58 C, had become an urgent political necessity. The purpose of the Conference should be to recover the occupied territories, to offer Israel security guarantees, and to re-establish the independent Arab State of Palestine with international guarantees for its own security.<\/p><\/div>\n Apolinar Diaz-Callejas (Colombia) stressed the kinship between the Latin American and Caribbean peoples and the Palestinian people.<\/p><\/div>\n Historically, the indigenous peoples of the Americas and the Black slaves had repeatedly revolted against the subjugation and exploitation by the European colonizers. The struggle for political and economic independence was still continuing. The peoples of Latin America and the Caribbean therefore supported the Palestinian people and the decisions of the United Nations recognizing its inalienable rights.<\/p><\/div>\n The rights of the Palestinian people were protected by the international legal system recognized by Member States of the United Nations. Rebellion in order to achieve those rights was in itself a legitimate right. Israeli repression of the uprising was contrary to international norms and a threat to peace. The political and military support given to Israel by the United States was to be deplored, .<\/p><\/div>\n The current uprising in the occupied territories was a high point in the struggle by the Palestinian people to attain its inalienable rights. Its effects had been extraordinary both for nation-building and in terms of gaining world-wide public support. The time had possibly never been more appropriate for convening the International Peace Conference on the Middle East in accordance with General Assembly resolution 38\/58 C. The recent weapons agreements and the ongoing efforts to solve various regional conflicts through political means created a favourable set of circumstances which made it urgently necessary to convene the Conference. However-, Israel's continued repression of the uprising and refusal to abide by United Nations resolutions made it essential for NGOs and peace-loving people to mobilize throughout the world and demand the convening of the Conference.<\/p><\/div>\n Mr. Paul Findley (United States) expressed admiration for the courage of the Palestinians involved in the uprising and deplored Israel's brutality. Four realities had to be taken into account in analyzing the Palestinian crisis. Firstly, a primary battle for justice for the Palestinians must be fought and won in the United States as without the letter's support, Israel would be forced to come quickly to terms with its neighbours. Secondly, the perception of the PLO in the United States was <\/i>a negative one and based on stereotypes which were the result of a long and racist campaign by Israel and its friends. Thirdly, Americans tended naturally to support victims of injustice and up to one-half already favoured the establishment of a Palestinian State in contrast to the position of the United States Government. Many however remained unsympathetic, thanks to the effectiveness of the Israeli lobby. The fourth reality was that Americans who supported the establishment of a Palestinian State did so only if such a State did not jeopardize Israel's existence within the pre-1967 borders. If forced to choose between Israel and the new Palestine, most Americans would choose Israel.<\/p><\/div>\n Mr. Findley went on to state that in order to win broader support in the United States, the Palestinians themselves, along with their growing number of American friends must take the offensive with vision, practicality and vigour. A PLO initiative to announce the existence of the State of Palestine in the West Bank and Gaza and the establishment of a provisional Government pending United Nations-supervised free elections would be met with a positive and powerful reaction in the United States. Such an initiative would defeat existing false stereotypes of the PLO, render present prohibitions against it inoperative and create a new Palestinian image, particularly through the actions and statements of officials of the provisional government aiming to achieve a negotiated peace. Thousands of United States citizens would consequently campaign vigorously for American recognition of the new Palestine and for the withdrawal of Israeli forces.<\/p><\/div>\n The Rt. Hon. Gerald Kaufman (United Kingdom) pointed out that the uprising was the direct outcome of the unacceptable situation which had now prevailed in the occupied territories for a full generation. The British Labour Party had committed itself to seeking a stable peace in the Middle Bast which protects the security of Israel and recognizes the right of Palestinians to self-determination.<\/p><\/div>\n Mr. Kaufman said that he had held talks with all the leaders concerned in pursuit of that commitment. The only logical basis for a settlement was the continuation of the State of Israel as a Jewish homeland with a properly enfranchised Arab minority, together with a Palestinian entity, with arrangements for self-determination and in which Jews were free to live if they accepted such arrangements. The Arab countries and the Palestinians had come to terms with the existence of the State of Israel and were ready to negotiate within the framework of an international conference, under the auspices of the five permanent members of the Security Council.<\/p><\/div>\n The Israeli Labour Party also believed that a settlement could be reached within an international conference and should include withdrawal from the occupied territories on a scale and on conditions to be decided within the context of the conference. Questions relating to procedure and participation could be settled once <\/i>the conference was agreed in principle <\/i>by all parties. The Palestinian people should be suitably represented at the conference after proper consideration by Arab Governments, keeping in mind that in the absence of free elections, the only available and internationally recognized body representing the Palestinians was the PLO.<\/p><\/div>\n In the view of the British Labour Party, continued occupation was a potentially lethal threat to Israeli security rather than a safeguard of such security. Continuation of the present situation would further isolate Israel and undermine its internal integrity as its Arab citizens would increasingly express their solidarity with the Palestinians and many Israeli Jews would oppose the repression. The best hope for peace was accordingly the election in Israel of a Labour Party Government committed to accept an international conference <\/i>and ready to negotiate appropriate withdrawal in exchange <\/i>for guaranteed security.<\/p><\/div>\n Mr. Vladimir Vinogradov (USSR) pointed out that the uprising in the occupied territories and Jordan's decision to rupture its administrative and juridical ties to the West Bank demonstrated that the destiny of the Palestinians should be decided by the Palestinians themselves. There was now a good chance for resolving the conflict. It was clear that the Palestinian people would continue fighting for their rights and that world support for their cause was <\/i>growing. The position of Israel and its supporters was morally wrong and out of touch with the times. It was impossible and inadmissible for a State to exist by suppressing other States and nations.<\/p><\/div>\n An approach based on the necessity to ensure the security of all States and nations in the region should be used in a future Middle East settlement. That settlement must be multilateral, i.e. through the convening of an international conference under United Nations auspices, with the participation of all parties, including the PLO, on an equal footing, and the permanent members of the Security Council. Matters of procedure should preferably be settled before the opening of the conference.<\/p><\/div>\n The conference should work on a permanent basis until a comprehensive settlement of the conflict was reached. Its work could be carried out in plenary meetings, working groups for the consideration of common problems, and geographical bilateral working groups. It was very important to proceed from the balance of interests among the parties and not allow the conference to be used as a screen for imposing unjust solutions unacceptable to the parties.<\/p><\/div>\n In his view, the time was now ripe to start working out the modalities of the conference and should call on the permanent members of the Security Council to begin such preparations in consultation with the parties. The Meeting should also call on Israel to respond positively to the decisions of the United Nations concerning the convening of the conference.<\/p><\/div>\n Mr. Ghassan El-Khatib (Palestinian) spoke on agricultural development and marketing in the occupied territories. He stated that since its beginning in 1967, the Israeli occupation had had two major goals: the economic exploitation of the human and material resources of the occupied territories, and the pacification of the local population. Agriculture was one of the main sectors in the economy of the occupied territories but Israel had pursued policies designed to encourage or force Palestinian farmers to leave their land for wage labour with Israeli companies.<\/p><\/div>\n The challenge to the Palestinians had therefore been to develop an agricultural development strategy which could be implemented under the specific conditions of occupation, with the manpower and resources available. An outstanding initiative in this regard was the creation five years ago of the Palestinian Agricultural Relief Committee (PARC), a network of more than 100 agricultural engineers working mainly as volunteers to promote efficient crop production by Palestinian farmers. Recently, with support from the European Economic Community (EEC) and European NGOs, PARC had promoted the establishment of the United Agricultural Company (UAC), a Palestinian marketing company for agricultural produce designed to help small farmers.<\/p><\/div>\n In its efforts to crush the uprising, Israel had taken a series of measures intended to damage the agricultural sector in the occupied territories. However, the uprising had seen a mass return to the land of Palestinians seeking to reduce their economic dependency on Israel. Local "popular" management committees had been created to provide some services to the population affected by curfews and other repressive measures, as well as by the near collapse of government services. PARC had successfully experimented with co-ordinating farmers' and consumers' committees and it was hoped that UAC <\/i>could develop and systematize and direct marketing operations on a large scale and organize exports. Support by sympathetic NGOs and direct co-operation with such self-help undertakings by Palestinians was extremely important.<\/p><\/div>\n Mr. Emile Habibi (Israel) stressed that the Palestinian people could not rely on illusions of outside help in its struggle. Fate had put the Palestinians in the same boat with Israelis with whom they wanted to live in peace and equality. The Israeli leaders had miscalculated and had been surprised by the outbreak of the intifadah.<\/u><\/p><\/div>\n The intifadah<\/u> was the greatest Palestinian uprising since the great Palestinian catastrophe of 1948. It was the result of comprehending the rich experience gained through the last 40 years. It was irreversible and demonstrated the capacity of Palestinians to overcome mistakes which had allowed their enemies to deny their national right to self-determination. The intifadah<\/u> had exposed the falsification of Palestinian history by those who opposed the Palestinian right to independence.<\/p><\/div>\n Mr. Habibi went on to say that it was not true that the Palestinian people had rejected the United Nations partition plan in 1948 or later. It had been forcibly denied its right of national expression and self-determination through massacres and the forced expulsion of one million Palestinians in 1948. The Israeli leadership had to understand, as the Palestinian leadership had already done, that the security of each people and State depended on that of the other.<\/p><\/div>\n Ms. Samar Hawash (Palestinian) stressed the importance of international solidarity for the people involved in the uprising. Since the beginning of the uprising, people had been engaged in various forms of strikes. A general strike was currently taking place in the West Bank and Gaza to protest detentions and expulsions. Nablus, her city, was under curfew and so were several other areas and refugee camps and several persons had been wounded in the last few days. She called upon the participants in the International Meeting to do all in their power to stop the massacres carried out by the Israeli occupation forces.<\/p><\/div>\n Over the last 21 years, the occupation had attempted to destroy and extirpate the Palestinian people and had practised all manner of oppression in order to prevent its development. Thousands of Palestinians had been jailed under the most inhumane conditions. A blatant example was the Ansar III detention centre, where more than 3,500 detainees had been placed, where two Palestinians had recently been killed and dozens wounded, and where medical care was non-existent. The occupation authorities had also continued to demolish houses, administer beatings and close down Palestinian institutions in an effort to break Palestinian opposition and obliterate their identity.<\/p><\/div>\n The uprising had not been a random event but had arisen as a natural consequence of the enormous accumulation of sacrifices and suffering during the occupation. Through the uprising, the Palestinian people was reaffirming the fact that it refused to accept the fait accompli<\/u> which the Israeli authorities were attempting to impose, and was stressing its insistence on the restoration of its inalienable national rights. The uprising was characterized by its comprehensiveness and its broad mass character. The Palestinian people had become fully convinced that it was not possible to have any future or make any progress until it established its own independent State in Palestine.<\/p><\/div>\n Dr. Allam Jarrar (Palestinian) stated that the Israeli policy since occupation was aimed at displacing the Palestinian people from its land. The occupation authorities had systematically attempted to destroy totally the social and economic infrastructure of Palestinian society. The situation in the occupied territories had continued to deteriorate, causing many social problems. Particularly in the field of health and education, there were severe shortages. The occupation authorities had pursued a policy of promoting intellectual backwardness throughout the territories; teachers had been dismissed, schools closed, educational facilities neglected. The health sector had suffered more than any other from the occupation, and health institutions had been the object of severe repression since the beginning of the uprising, including raids, arrests of doctors and patients, and confiscation of medical equipment.<\/p><\/div>\n Dr. Jarrar went on to say that the only solution was for Palestinian services to free themselves from the hegemony of the occupation authorities and to become fully independent. People's committees had been formed in various health, agricultural and social fields in the occupied territories and had begun to develop and expand as real institutions of the Palestinian people, with the help and support of a large number of international development institutions with which they maintained close links. The establishment of such committees was one of the principal features of the uprising and the Minister of Defence of Israel had declared them illegal.<\/p><\/div>\n The uprising had confirmed that a broad-based popular struggle was the most appropriate form of struggle in the occupied territories, and that those territories were the principal and decisive arena for the Palestinian struggle. It also provided proof that Palestinians were capable of united action and of proposing a realistic political programme. There was accordingly an urgent need for an equitable solution based on the right of the Palestinian people to self-determination, the establishment of its independent State in the West Bank and Gaza Strip, and the solution of the refugee problem in accordance with United Nations resolutions.<\/p><\/div>\n Dr. Jumana Odeh (Palestine) stated that since early December 1987, Palestinian in the West Bank and Gaza had been living in a state of military siege. Despite the brutal Israeli crackdown, the size and strength of the uprising had continued to grow as more and more people chose to resist actively the occupation.<\/p><\/div>\n Based on a three-month study of injuries from shootings and beatings conducted at Fara'a refugee camp, and in view of the subsequent continuation of the pattern of brutality, it was estimated that the total number of injured was not less than 50,000 persons. Such injuries were the result of officially endorsed army policy and not individual aberrations. The army had also harassed medical institutions, arrested patients, beaten staff and destroyed equipment. Repeated large-scale curfews had hampered the provision of medical care and had also had damaging psychological effects on the population.<\/p><\/div>\n The Union of Medical Relief Committees had launched a relief effort with the co-operation of volunteers from the medical professions as well as many grass-root committees in the West Bank and Gaza. Their efforts had prevented the health services, which were already inadequate for the needs of Palestinians living under occupation, from collapsing under the burden of serious casualties during the uprising. These activities, however, were increasingly under attack by the Israeli authorities and many health workers had been jailed, and charitable and medical societies had been closed down. One major demand at present was to release public hospitals from the control of the Israeli occupying authorities and if possible place them under the protection of a United Nations authority. There was an increased need for support from the medical and international community to protect the work of Palestinian medical institutions and to help those who suffered from health problems to receive adequate care.<\/p><\/div>\n Dr. Amnon Zichroni (Israel) stated that the contribution of the intifadah <\/u>to the peace process had been that the Israelis were slowly beginning to understand that the PLO is the legitimate representative of the Palestinian people and the only true partner for negotiations for peace in the region. Another coalition government was <\/i>likely to emerge from the Israeli elections because of the essential ideological similarity of the two major parties. That closeness of ideology could allow for the recognition of Palestinian rights to filter from the Israeli public upward to the political ruling level. This, together with international pressure and possible political action by the Palestinian leaders, could bring about real changes.<\/p><\/div>\n In his view, the process begun by the intifadah<\/u> must now be completed by political means. It was now incumbent upon the PLO to take a public undivided stand which would be a departure from the Palestinian Covenant, recognizing the State of Israel and forming a Government in exile. That Government should put forward a detailed peace plan—relating, inter alia,<\/u> to the border issue, the refugee issue and the recognition of the pre-1967 armistice lines.<\/p><\/div>\n In conclusion Mr. Zichroni pointed to a draft peace agreement between Israel and the PLO which he had circulated to the Second International NGO Meeting in 1985, and expressed the hope that a similar agreement could soon be signed, with the super-Powers as guarantors.<\/p><\/div>\n The Meeting also heard a statement by Mr. Khaled Al Hassan, Chairman of the Political Affairs Committee of the Palestine National Council. He stressed the importance of the role of NGOs in enlightening public opinion about the Palestine question. The intifadah<\/u> was the end result of the Israeli policy of enforced stability in <\/i>the occupied territories. Peace, however, had to be based on justice and could only be attained through negotiations with participation of all parties on an equal footing. This was the position of the Palestinian people and its representative, the PLO.<\/p><\/div>\n The Palestinian problem had international roots and therefore had to be resolved through international action. The International Peace Conference on the Middle East was <\/i>the only practical way to achieve peace through negotiations. Direct negotiations would become possible only if the Israeli authorities were to declare that they recognized the Palestinian people and were ready to accept an independent Palestinian State alongside Israel and co-existing peacefully with it. However, in view of the present Israeli policy, the International Conference was the only possible avenue for negotiations.<\/p><\/div>\n The leadership, parties and people of Israel needed to realize that Palestinians and Israelis had to live together in peace and that the process of history could not be stopped. Israel needed to overcome its fears and understand the Palestinians could not live without rights, identity and a State of their own. Either peace would be achieved through negotiations, or the Palestinians would continue their struggle. He expected that the Palestine National Council, at its forthcoming meeting, would adopt a declaration of independence and decide to form a Government in exile or a provisional Government, and expressed the hope that this would end all objections against the participation of the Palestinian people in the Peace Conference.<\/p><\/div>\n In her concluding remarks, the Chairman of the Committee on the Exercise of the Inalienable Rights of the Palestinian People stated that it was clear that the situation in the occupied territories had reached dramatic proportions and could not be allowed to continue. Two goals must now motivate the activities of Governments and intergovernmental and non-governmental organizations: the urgent search for ways and means to ensure protection of the Palestinians in the occupied territories, and intensification of efforts at all levels to promote a peaceful settlement in accordance with United Nations resolutions.<\/p><\/div>\n She expressed the Committee's satisfaction at the activities by NGOs aimed at ensuring respect for the Fourth Geneva Convention, and in support of the convening of the International Peace Conference on the Middle East. The Committee had been particularly impressed by NGO efforts to mobilize specific constituencies and by the great expansion of the network of NGOs, including many from Israel and the Jewish <\/i>communities in Europe and North America. The Committee called on all NGOs to continue to do their utmost to mobilize even greater numbers for peace in the region.<\/p><\/div>\n <\/p>\n Annex I <\/u><\/p><\/div>\n <\/p>\n DECLARATION OF THE NON-GOVERNMENTAL ORGANIZATIONS AT THE<\/p><\/div>\n FIFTH UNITED NATIONS INTERNATIONAL NGO MEETING<\/p><\/div>\n ON THE QUESTION OF PALESTINE,<\/p><\/div>\n held at Geneva from 31 August to 2 September 1988<\/p><\/div>\n 1.\t<\/span>We, the non-governmental organizations (NGOs) participating in the Fifth United Nations International NGO Meeting on the Question of Palestine, are gathering at a time when the Palestinian struggle has entered a decisive stage. We admire and support the determination of the Palestinian people in the struggle for independence and the securing of its own State.<\/p><\/div>\n 2.\t<\/span>Last year, the Fourth United Nations International NGO Meeting on the Question of Palestine expressed its grave concern that any further delay in convening the International Peace Conference on the Middle East, in accordance with General Assembly <\/i>resolutions 38\/58 C and 41\/43 D, would worsen conflict in the Middle East and intensify the suffering and oppression to which the Palestinian people were daily subjected. Noting that the International Conference has still not been convened in spite of our warning, we now draw attention, with all the power at our command, to the murderous intensification of the daily and continuing suffering and oppression of the Palestinian people since December 1987. We vigorously renew our call for the Conference.<\/p><\/div>\n 3.\t<\/span>We salute the brave people of the occupied territories for their courage, endurance and solidarity throughout the intifadah<\/u> (uprising) and we note that they have done more during the months of the intifadah<\/u> to focus attention on the injustices suffered by the Palestinian people than the entire world community had done in the previous 40 years.<\/p><\/div>\n 4.\t<\/span>We condemn all deportations and all other manifestations of the systematic destruction of Palestinian society and the attempts by the occupation forces to eliminate Palestinian society for the future. We condemn all infringements of human rights and international law such as administrative detentions, imprisonment, arbitrary arrests, collective punishments, and demolition of houses, the closing of schools and educational institutions, the confiscation of property and the killing of innocent people. We warn the international community that plans for mass expulsions and population transfer (expulsions) of Palestinians are being seriously discussed in Israel. Even as we were assembling, trade union headquarters and charitable institutions were closed down. All these actions are wholly and specifically contrary to Articles 47, 49 and 50 of the Fourth Geneva Convention of 1949. We call upon all Governments to state categorically that their bilateral relations with Israel will be affected by these breaches of the Geneva Convention and that relations will be reconsidered if these and all breaches of the Geneva Convention are not ended.<\/p><\/div>\n 5.\t<\/span>In accordance with the suggestions made by the United Nations Secretary- General in his report to the Security Council (S\/19443) of 21 January 1988, we urge the United Nations, the five permanent members of the Security Council and the entire international community to help to ensure the protection of the Palestinian people in the occupied territories. This should include physical protection, legal protection, general assistance to resist the violations of their rights and protection by publicity through the international media. We request the Secretary-General to send a fact-finding mission to the occupied territories to assess the needs of the Palestinians there.<\/p><\/div>\n 6.\t<\/span>We call upon the United Nations to exercise its full responsibility for the Palestine question. The United Nations should place observer teams and\/or any other United Nations body in the occupied Palestinian territories of the West Bank and Gaza Strip without delay to help protect the people there from continuing human rights violations and Israeli war crimes. We specifically request the Secretary-General to establish immediately a special commission to investigate the repeated occurrence of maltreatment, beatings, toxic gassing, torture and shooting and killing of Palestinian children by Israeli troops, prison authorities and settlers.<\/p><\/div>\n 7.\t<\/span>We note that the intifadah<\/u> has greatly strengthened the international consensus in favour of the Peace Conference. Accordingly, we call on all Governments to support the immediate convening of the Conference under United Nations auspices, in accordance with General Assembly resolutions 38\/58 C and 41\/43 D, with the participants including the five permanent members of the Security Council, the PLO, Israel, the Arab States party to the conflict, and other concerned States, on an equal footing and with equal rights. The object must be to reach a peaceful settlement between the Palestinian State to be established and Israel as conducive to the overall settlement in the Middle East.<\/p><\/div>\n 8.\t<\/span>Noting that the people of the intifadah<\/u> are not just protesting against oppression but are calling for the self-determination, independence and right to return which is their right in accordance with the fundamental principles of the Charter of the United Nations, we call on all Governments to recognize that right and to uphold it. Recent events have created a new situation where there is no recognized sovereign authority over the Palestinian territories occupied since 1967 except that of the Palestinian people. Therefore, we call for the immediate end of the occupation. We also call on the United Nations to assist the Palestinian people in securing the right to exercise sovereignty there, according to United Nations resolutions.<\/p><\/div>\n 9.\t<\/span>Reaffirming the international consensus that the PLO is the sole and legitimate representative of the Palestinian people, we note that the consensus is greatly strengthened by the unequivocal support for the PLO by the people of the intifadah<\/u> and by the United National Leadership of the intifadah.<\/u> We therefore call on all Governments fully to recognize the PLO.<\/p><\/div>\n 10.\t<\/span>We demand immediate Israeli withdrawal from southern Lebanon in accordance with <\/i>United Nations Security Council resolutions 425 (1978), 508 (1982) and 509 (1982). We demand the ending of the inhumane Israeli air raids and all other attacks on targets in Lebanon. We call for an end to all attempts to destabilize Lebanon and for full recognition of its unity, sovereignty and democratic development. We ask ICCP to co-ordinate the sending of delegations to Lebanon as a way to protect the Palestinian population there from the occupying authorities.<\/p><\/div>\n 11.\t<\/span>We condemn the introduction by Israel of nuclear weapons into the Middle East and the threat to regional and world peace which those weapons constitute. We call for the implementation of a nuclear- weapon-free zone in the Middle East and for Israel to sign the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty, to dismantle its nuclear and chemical weapons and open its nuclear facilities to international inspection. We especially deplore the creation of new nuclear threats in the Middle East at a time when the United States and the Soviet Union have embarked upon reductions in nuclear weapons. We demand the immediate release of Mordechai Vanunu.<\/p><\/div>\n 12.\t<\/span>We express our strong support for the forces of peace in Israel which favour the International Peace Conference and the establishment of a Palestinian State. We strongly condemn the closing down of newspapers and the harassment of journalists. We express support for those who refuse military service in occupied Palestinian territories and other occupied territories of Arab countries and we call upon the Israeli Government to release the imprisoned soldiers, to drop the investigation by its security services against Yesh Gvul<\/u> and to recognize the right of Israelis to conscientious objection. We strongly urge the Israeli Parliament to rescind the law of August 1986 which prohibits contact between Israeli citizens and representatives of Palestinian organizations.<\/p><\/div>\n 13.\t<\/span>A major objective of this Meeting was to plan and co-ordinate NGO activities and much of our work was conducted in workshops and in special interest group meetings. We affirm their conclusions and suggestions for action as appended herewith. In so doing, we draw attention to the fact that NGO opinion has been more progressive and creative than official governmental thinking. We urge all Governments, in the interest of peace and justice, to consider seriously the options defined by NGOs.<\/p><\/div>\n 14.\t<\/span>It is important that NGO effectiveness be further increased.<\/p><\/div>\n Accordingly, we call for NGO liaison offices to be established in every United Nations designated region and we urge the United Nations to convene an annual NGO regional symposium in every region. We urge the United Nations to convene an international meeting in Vienna in the first week of September 1989, the format to be decided, like the format for this present meeting, in co-operation with ICCP.<\/p><\/div>\n 15.\t<\/span>We call upon all our fellow NGOs to provide every material, medical and other assistance to the Palestinian people.<\/p><\/div>\n 16.\t<\/span>We affirm the organization and work of ICCP and its secretariat in Geneva. We call upon the United Nations to offer every possible assistance to ICCP and its secretariat.<\/p><\/div>\n 17.\t<\/span>We urge the Chairman of the Committee on the Exercise of the Inalienable Rights of the Palestinian People to convey this Declaration to the General Assembly at its forty-third session as part of the Committee's report. We urge that the results of this meeting be disseminated as widely as possible to NGOs unable to attend, to Governments and the media.<\/p><\/div>\n 18. We thank the United Nations Committee on the Exercise of the Inalienable Rights of the Palestinian People for convening this Meeting and we appreciate the presence of the members and observers of that body. We thank the Chief of the Division for Palestinian Rights, the NGO Liaison officer and staff of the Division, and the Department of Conference Services, including the interpreters, for their assistance in this meeting. We express our appreciation to the distinguished experts who spoke here.<\/p><\/div>\n <\/p>\n Annex II<\/p><\/div>\n A. WORKSHOP REPORTS<\/p><\/div>\n Workshop 1: Protecting the human rights and security of the Palestinian People <\/u><\/p><\/div>\n Judicial and legal system<\/u><\/p><\/div>\n Israeli occupation has abolished the judicial and legal system in the occupied territories and instead implemented the Israeli military judicial system and administrative and emergency laws of 1945. All this is in contravention to both the Fourth Geneva Convention of 1949 and the The Hague Convention of 1907. Palestinians always fought for their own legal protection and security. They were given only some material support through the United Nations and Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East (UNRWA). Unanimously accepted, Security Council resolutions 605 (1987) of 22 December 1987, 607 (1988) of 5 January 1988 and 608 (1988) of 14 January 1988 called for the international protection of the Palestinians in the occupied areas.<\/p><\/div>\n The report of the United Nations Secretary-General to the Security Council also demanded international protection for the Palestinian people in four ways:<\/p><\/div>\n (1)\t<\/span>Physical protection;<\/p><\/div>\n (2)\t<\/span>Legal protection;<\/p><\/div>\n (3)\t<\/span>Protection in the form of assistance by foreign agencies;<\/p><\/div>\n (4)\t<\/span>Protection through publicity.<\/p><\/div>\n We demand at this Meeting the support and the protection of the Palestinian people in its struggle for its human rights and security. We urge the United Nations, through this Meeting, to ask NGOs to consider the adoption of the following practical actions towards securing the human rights and the security of the Palestinian people:<\/p><\/div>\n (1)\t<\/span>Open human rights offices in the occupied areas and Lebanon run by foreign and local staff, to be living witnesses;<\/p><\/div>\n (2)\t<\/span>Open information offices as agents who will gather information about the inhuman activities and practices of the Israeli authorities. This information is to be published and sent to embassies, other NGOs, the United Nations, mass media, etc.;<\/p><\/div>\n (3)\t<\/span>Support Palestinian-Jewish dialogue existing in the area and encourage and support new dialogue groups;<\/p><\/div>\n (4)\t<\/span>Urge the United Nations, through this Meeting, to impose sanctions and boycotts against Israel to force it to abide by international conventions and United Nations resolutions. In view of the similarity between South Africa and Israel, the United Nations should take the same steps and measures;<\/p><\/div>\n (5)\t<\/span>Urge the General Assembly to request the Security Council to take measures under Chapter VII of the United Nations Charter to order Israel to withdraw its forces from the West Bank and the Gaza Strip and to replace them with United Nations forces as the interim force pending the exercise by the Palestinian people of its inalienable right to self-determination and statehood. The General Assembly should appoint a United Nations committee to help the Palestinians in the West Bank and the Gaza Strip to set up an administration for the exercise of their right of self-determination.<\/p><\/div>\n (1)\t<\/span>To develop a strategy to place Western monitors, witnesses and skilled professional volunteers in the occupied areas carefully co-ordinated with local Palestinians and the PLO;<\/p><\/div>\n (2)\t<\/span>To involve Western Jewish groups and individuals with rotation participants to be witnesses for peace. All volunteers should be self-sufficient;<\/p><\/div>\n (3)\t<\/span>To work for the reconstruction of Shatila and Burj el Barajneh;<\/p><\/div>\n (4)\t<\/span>To urge the United Nations to take up its responsibility towards ensuring the protection of Palestinians in Lebanon.<\/p><\/div>\n
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